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As in other industrialized countries, cartelization was widespread in France after the 1870s. Cartels, and the public policy toward them, were frequently addressed in the public debate. This article deals with the stance taken by French economists on this subject until the Great Depression. Although they were divided into several groups that were in sharp disagreement on most scientific and policy issues, French economists were almost united in their lack of support for anticartel policy. The liberal economists' opposition stemmed from their general hostility to government intervention. Unlike in the English-speaking world, where many economists otherwise critical of government gradually became supportive of antitrust after mounting evidence had revealed the scope of certain kinds of exclusionary behavior, the French liberal economists remained constant in their opposition. The more reform-minded university professors, as well as the sociologists- economists of the Durkheimian school, were unenthusiastic about policies meant to safeguard competition because they viewed "excessive" market competition as destabilizing and wasteful. Finally, the most prominent experts in industrial economics, who were employed by large companies or professional organizations, also advocated a hands-off approach, in accordance with their employers' preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Annette K. Joseph-Gabriel's book, "Reimagining Liberation: How Black Women Transformed Citizenship in the French Empire." It highlights the importance of the book in shedding light on the experiences and contributions of black anti-colonial female activists during a pivotal period in the anti-imperialist struggle. The article argues that recognizing and studying the stories of these women is crucial for a more comprehensive understanding of French history and the pursuit of true liberation. The full article can be accessed through the H-France website. [Extracted from the article]

If some works have studied the gender representations of judges on litigants, representations regarding members of the jury are less known. This paper intends to look at the moral and civic values required of them, in connection with their masculinity, at a time when only men were considered citizens. Members of the jury couldn’t show any weakness in their manly duty. Indeed, virility was then linked with firmness, rationality, composure and the rejection of sentimentality.

It becomes clear in Llewellyn-Smith's detailed account that Venizelos always had in mind the wider picture of Greece's position in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean. As Llewellyn-Smith notes in the introduction (2-3), his special interest in Venizelos dates back to the late 1960s, when he wrote his widely cited study of Greece's military campaign and debacle in Asia Minor (1919-1922) ([1]). Sir Michael Llewellyn-Smith, a former British Ambassador in Athens, examines Venizelos's early years in Cretan politics, his entry onto the center stage of Greek politics, and his gradual development into a renowned statesman. [Extracted from the article]

This article investigates clerical child sexual abuse in the first decades of the French Third Republic. Thanks in large part to the difficulty of accessing relevant archival records, we know very little about this crime or how it was investigated by judicial officials. This study addresses this gap by drawing on a rich and untapped collection of correspondence between local prosecutors and the Ministry of Justice in Paris. The files reveal the process for investigating and prosecuting abusive priests, as well as the reverberations within local communities. Though generated by the state rather than the church, they offer an insight as well into the response of ecclesiastical authorities. Finally, they shed light on the relationship between clerical crime and the culture wars pitting French republicans against Catholics, a conflict that was reaching a peak of intensity in this period. What emerges from this study is an appreciation of the personal toll and political impact of clerical sexual abuse, as well as a new perspective on the recent scandals which have engulfed the Catholic church in a range of nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature has pointed out the negative aspects of political dynasties. But can political dynasties help prevent autocratic reversals? We argue that political dynasties differ according to their ideological origin and that those whose founder was a defender of democratic ideals, for simplicity labeled "pro-democratic dynasties," show stronger support for democracy. We analyze the vote by the French parliament on 10 July 1940 of an enabling act that granted full power to Marshall Philippe Pétain, thereby ending the Third French Republic and aligning France with Nazi Germany. Using data collected from the biographies of parliamentarians and information on their voting behavior, we find that members of a pro-democratic dynasty were 9.6 to 15.1 percentage points more likely to oppose the act than other parliamentarians. We report evidence that socialization inside and outside parliament shaped the vote of parliamentarians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with two different political interpretations of presidential power under the Third and Fifth French Republics, which clearly changed the position of the head of state in relation to the letter of constitutional acts that were in force at the time. Both of these interpretations were imposed by the presidents in office in the first years after the proper structures of the system of government had been established. The former (commonly known as the "Grévy Constitution") led to the weakening of presidential power, and the latter (described as the "de Gaulle Constitution") to its strengthening. Particular attention is thus paid to the formation of such particular unwritten norms of constitutional law in rationalized and non-rationalized parliamentary systems. In both cases, their basic feature turned out to be the ability to significantly modify the parliamentary system of government. In the last part of the paper, the stability and durability of the above-mentioned political interpretations of the aforementioned Constitutions are discussed. It is indicated that, in both cases, there were attempts to challenge these non-codified standards. Although the causes of such actions were different from each other, neither brought any meaningful success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I believe it was Clemens Heller, then director of the MSH, who after meeting Latour had the idea of putting him together with Bourdieu, thinking they could productively collaborate on the terrain of sociology of science. But this naturally leads us to pursue the same operation and turn sociology itself into an object of study of sociology, which leads us to a sociology of sociology, i.e. following the same logic, to subject sociology to a critical analysis to establish what makes it social and what makes it truly scientific. But we did slowly drift, without realizing it, from science as it was understood a century earlier, a science inherited from Pierre-Simon Laplace, to something that was probably closer to a science in the making, as was also made clear at the same time by the work of Isabelle Stengers, who was to accompany Bruno's thinking until the end. The passing of Bruno Latour has elicited a flood of tributes in France. [Extracted from the article]

The Revue du droit public was created during the Third Republic to become the main French forum for the science of public law, in conjunction with its institutionalization in French law schools. The study of the bibliographic sections of the journal during the decade 1904-1913 offers a rich insight on the doctrinal construction of public law. The study is based on the actual practices of reading and selecting written material that was considered as belonging to the field of public law. It makes the science of public law appear as a flow that must be controlled and organized. The Revue du droit public thus constituted a « school of activity »: its functioning contributed to defining common scientific practices, without there necessarily being intellectual and doctrinal homogeneity among the contributors.

In 1885 Louis Pasteur successfully treated two boys from different parts of rural France, Joseph Meister and Jean-Baptiste Jupille, with his experimental rabies vaccine. Arguing that the boys played an important role in shaping images of Pasteur and his vaccine in French culture, this article reconstructs their long relationships with the scientist and then traces their evolving cultural representations during the Third Republic up to 1940. Meister, a young child from Alsace who sought salvation in Paris, was particularly assimilable to nationalist narratives that Pasteur himself encouraged. Jupille, in fighting with a rabid dog to save young children from attack, could provide an exemplar of the selfless yet virile male adolescent whom late nineteenth-century authorities sought to produce. Both boys' stories produced associations that reflected favorably on Pasteur and the Pastorians, yet each also held an independent appeal at particular moments in modern French history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the development of the 'military preparation' movement during the Third Republic in France, which, in turn, gives an insight into sports development in France in comparison with its neighbouring countries. On the eve of the First World War, militarized physical activities were widespread in France. Gymnastics (USGF), shooting (USTF), and military preparation (USPMF) federations had more members than sports federations. The spread of training societies was linked to military and political issues, with the support of the republican government being a key explanation for the rise in the number of training societies. The latter aimed to prepare young men for military service and turn them into French citizens. Furthermore, gymnastics and shooting societies fulfilled a social function in providing leisure activities. The distinction between sports activities and militarized activities was not always clear. Recent studies have underlined that the growth of shooting and gymnastics societies has been underestimated, especially for the interwar period. Such associations were still numerous in the 1930s. For a long time, physical activities were oriented by military or political issues, and early sports policies were mostly designed to develop militarized activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with two different political interpretations of presidential power under the Third and Fifth French Republics, which clearly changed the position of the head of state in relation to the letter of constitutional acts that were in force at the time. Both of these interpretations were imposed by the presidents in office in the first years after the proper structures of the system of government had been established. The former (commonly known as the "Grevy constitution") led to the weakening of presidential power, and the latter (described as the "de Gaulle constitution") to its strengthening. Particular attention is thus paid to the formation of such particular unwritten norms of constitutional law in rationalized and non-rationalized parliamentary systems. In both cases, their basic feature turned out to be the ability to significantly modify the parliamentary system of government. In the last part of the paper, the stability and durability of the above-mentioned political interpretations of the aforementioned constitutions are discussed. It is indicated that in both cases there were attempts to challenge these non-codified standards. Although the causes of such actions were different from each other, neither brought any meaningful success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Jane de La Vaudère's novel "Les Demi-sexes" (1897) and its exploration of feminism through the mentorship relationship between Camille de Luzac and Nina Saurel. It reports that the novel delves into themes of women's freedom from motherhood and the exploration of sexuality, and it highlights the results of Nina's mentorship. It discusses how this representation of feminism in the novel differs from traditional feminist causes in the context of the French Third Republic.

The article presents the discussion on writings on the phenomenon known as Bonapartism. Topics include purging the judges under the pretext of corruption and establishing a strong-fisted government and a mock parliament; and communists entertaining no illusions about the bourgeois republic, the defense of bourgeois democracy.

This study focuses on the global trade of guinée cloth mainly produced in French India and exported to French West Africa from 1826 to 1925. The article first re-examines the guinée cloth and its role in the western Sahel. Second, it argues that the guinée produced in the French factories established in French India was costly but of poor quality. Consequently, a similar type of cloth made in Europe began replacing the guinée in the Senegalese market in the late nineteenth century. Therefore, the producers of the guinée in the French empire supported protective measures, although merchants and relevant governments did not always share this opinion. Furthermore, the unstable political climate of the early French Third Republic promoted frequent changes in the trade policy on guinée cloth. Consequently, in addition to the traditional route from Saint Louis, Senegal, the article demonstrates that the export of Indian guinée began through more protected routes in northern Africa and was then distributed within the wider region of West Africa. Even the Méline Tariff opened the guinée producers in French India to new markets. Through the guinée cloth trade, this study demonstrates how colonialism and imperialism could lead to globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay explores the representation of the pedophile priest in the history of literature. This figure made its appearance in the late 19th century, thanks in particular to Octave Mirbeau and Émile Zola. For both authors, the sexual crimes were a demonstration of the damage produced by clericalism in the life of the French Third Republic and a phenomenon to be exploited polemically to strengthen the political struggle against the Catholic school and anti-Semitism. France, however, was not the only country where the phenomenon of clerical pedophilia was echoed in literature: the same happened in Spain and in Italy. The final part of the essay explains how the representation of this problem has changed since 1968, pointing out how in recent times the explosion of new scandals has inspired works devoted to clergy abuse, including a successful novel by Hanya Yanagihara. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: right to the city; urban appropriation; capitalism; identity; class struggle EN right to the city urban appropriation capitalism identity class struggle 697 702 6 04/12/22 20220501 NES 220501 Kohn, Margaret (2016). As a serious critique from the Left, rights within the liberal state are contradictory in that they seem to give to the people but reinforce a state's mechanism of domination. Kohn provides an excellent summary for this essay on struggle and appropriation in light its evaluation of "the public", of democracy and deliberation, and the strengths but also the shortcoming of rights' claims. "Lefebvre argued that the power to make urban spaces, which he viewed as the control points of modern capitalism", writes Herod, "must be wrested from capital and the state and located instead in the hands of the working-class people" (Herod, p. 197). [Extracted from the article]

In interwar Paris, a community of Sephardi immigrants originally from the Ottoman Empire raised a monument paying tribute to Ottoman Jews who fought for France during World War I. Its construction, which spanned over a decade, underscored the evolution of Ottoman Sephardi immigrant collective identity, goals, and anxieties in France between the close of World War I and the eve of World War II. When the memorial was first proposed in 1919, it was seen as a means of emphasizing the Ottoman Sephardi immigrant sphere as separate from that of French Jewry and other Jewish immigrant groups in the country. However, when it was finally erected in June 1935, at a time of heightened xenophobia and antisemitism within France's borders, the monument had taken on new significance. No longer a statement of Sephardi difference, it became a message of Jewish unity, patriotism, and belonging to the French Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1905, Jacques Parlier, a former artillery captain in the French army, published the first of two Méthode(s) de cartographie, cartes à main levée et de mémoire tracés rapides to teach French students how to draw maps. Parlier had become convinced of the centrality of geographical knowledge to French national security and interests. His manuals brought geographical and cartographical literacy to a generation of students in France. This paper examines those manuals, specifically in terms of how they were designed to present the cartographic craft to school-aged children, a new market for this discipline. Parlier's strategy involved simplifying continents and countries to appear as geometrical forms and going on to focus on their physical attributes, such as rivers, mountains and coasts, thus encouraging teachers to lecture less and students to draw more. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belle Époque quest for a modern beauty (an 'art nouveau') extended into France's system of free primary schooling, established in the 1880s by the Third Republic to educate the popular masses. Design reformers' belief in the underlying unity of the fine and applied arts, and their growing emphasis on the importance of individual initiative and creativity to the latter, suggested that integrating the right form of artistic education into public education, especially primary schools, would serve both economic and democratic ends. The quasi-official Société Nationale de l'Art à l'École (National Society for Art in School) was founded in 1907 to support this goal. An examination of its efforts nevertheless reveals that its distinction of didactic and aesthetic aims, as well as the parameters it imposed upon content and style, blunted their democratic, emancipatory potential in ways that echoed the broader limitations of the French expansion of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nineteenth-century American expansion has been shown as a type of Anglo-American "settler revolution," but the United States was also connected with France in France's ideas for the imperial development of Algeria. The two countries alike were ambitious empires, their leaders committed to expansion as a means of political and economic regeneration. More than this, the French empire "borrowed" images from its republican cousin to help incorporate Algeria. Writers during the July Monarchy saw American Indians' decline as a forerunner to white settlement's consequences in North Africa, although they rationalized how Algerians might be treated more benevolently. Napoléon III vowed to prevent an American analogue by setting aside Arab tribal land. Liberal reformers during the early Third Republic, however, called for assimilation of Algerians through land privatization, hailing the U.S. Homestead Act for how it could facilitate egalitarian, private land ownership, and thus help establish what Michel Chevalier had earlier imagined as the French "West." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the end of the Third Republic, only tiny numbers of West African students managed to study at France's universities. Barriers to higher education began to fall after World War II, especially after African populations collectively gained citizenship. Higher education became a high-stakes policy area, as French officials and West African students and politicians vied to influence the parameters and possibilities of the postwar order. Amid escalating concerns about West African student migrations to the metropole, French officials eventually opened an Institute of Higher Studies in Dakar. However, this inchoate institution ended up highlighting the fundamental ambiguities of overseas citizenship. As West African students turned increasingly to anti-colonial activism, French authorities finally committed to establishing a full university in Dakar. Paradoxically, the construction and consolidation of this French university took place during the period of active decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Surra Man Raa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taking the distinction made by Patrick Hassenteufel between statutory and identity-based citizenship as a starting point, this article investigates expressions of the latter citizenship in early twentieth-century France. More specifically, this article focuses on how ‘ordinary’ men and women from a rural area in the Rhône department perceived their place in French republican society shortly before and during the First World War. The war years were a time when (claims to) social policies were continuously renegotiated, in relation to men and women’s commitment to the Republic. Whether they had political voting rights or not, ‘ordinary’ citizens took part in these negotiation processes, yet in an informal (and therefore still underexposed) way, through written communication with a parliamentary representative ('député'). Men and women who shared the same social background used similar rhetorical tactics in their requests for help, support, or a favour. Men’s expressions of gratitude towards ‘their’ 'député' could, however, entail a promise of a vote, whereas women were still not enfranchised. Though reminiscent of the image of a clientelist rural France at first sight, neither men’s nor women’s letters were characterised by mere trade-offs. Instead, they were increasingly revealing of how the letter-writers (re)imagined the notions attached to their citizenship. The connections between those concepts, such as (social) rights, duties, and knowledge (and the impact of the war on rhetorical constructions of these aspects of citizenship) are analyzed from the letter-writers’ viewpoints. Focusing on such a micro-level allows for insights into the mutually educational nature of the common practice of sending letters to a French Third Republican parliamentary representative.

The article aims at contributing to the social history of the Solidarity movement by tracing the collective biography of its elected representatives. It will focus on the life trajectories of the 900 delegates to the First National Congress of Delegates. The convention, held in Autumn 1981, is commonly perceived as a focal moment in the history of Solidarity and plays a crucial role in almost every academic narrative on the anti-communist opposition. Often seen as a first genuine Polish parliament since pre-war times, its main task was to forge the political and economic programme thus furthering the revolution. The projected research will draw on genuine methodology, combining prosopographical and oral history approach. The research will address mainly the following issues: what social strata the elites came from, what was their cultural and educational background, what motives/causes/expectations drove them to engage with Solidarity, to what generations did they belong, how did they embrace the character of political transformation of 1989, and to what extent and how did they get involved in the political, economic, and social life of post-communist Poland. In general, the paper seeks to shed a new light on our understanding of Solidarity's social roots—for instead examining to what extent the contesting, revolutionary elites were a product of the Stalinist social advancement. It also tries to depict the level of continuity between the elites of 1981 and post-1989—thus testing the common theories whether the Third Republic is (or is not) rooted in the legacy of Solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a comprehensive geographic information system of Third Republic France: the TRF-GIS. It provides annual nomenclatures and shapefiles of administrative constituencies of metropolitan France from 1870 to 1940, encompassing general administrative constituencies (départements, arrondissements, cantons) as well as the most significant special administrative constituencies: military, judicial and penitentiary, electoral, academic, labor inspection, and ecclesiastical constituencies. It further proposes annual nomenclatures at the contemporaneous commune level that map each municipality into its corresponding administrative framework along with its population count. The 901 nomenclatures, 830 shapefiles, and complete reproduction material of the TRF-GIS are available at . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ferguson's Accounting for Taste reveals a gap in our understanding: How did French culinary discourse move beyond the bourgeois sphere in which it emerged in the nineteenth century? Picking up on her comparison of the Proustian synthesis of regional and national culinary culture in the Recherche to the project of national identity creation in the Third Republic's best-selling textbook, Le Tour de la France par deux enfants, this essay argues that the culinary model Ferguson describes was in fact widely disseminated through mass primary education under the Third Republic. Examining an overlooked corpus of primary school readers and textbooks, I show that food and cooking provided object lessons imparting practical and scientific knowledge to enlighten the masses, and textbooks canonized regional specialties as part of a new national geographic consciousness. At the same time, I underscore the limits of this consensual image of a national culinary culture, which collided with the class habits and horizons of the urban and rural masses attending l'école républicaine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exodus provoked by the Civil War (1936–1939) is, due to its magnitude, the principal field of study on Spanish exile. Nevertheless, during the Spanish Republic in peacetime (1931–1936), different exiles took place which have not raised as much interest within the historiography. This is the case of those that had to flee Spain after being involved in the October Revolution of 1934. They were anonymous activists, the middle ranks, and also well-known leaders of the working-class movement, many of whom would play an important role during the time of the Popular Front, the Civil War and exile. In order to carry out this study, the archives of the five French départements bordering Spain, the Archives Nationales and the Archives de la Préfecture de Police in Paris were consulted. That facilitated identifying two hundred and seventy-five refugees, as well as understanding important aspects of their route towards exile, how they crossed the border, what their the journey was and the vicissitudes they experienced in French territory and what the conduct of the French authorities was. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dell discusses the connections of portraiture, practices of looking and the re-making of men. Dell explores how the portraiture functioned in the colonial project. Dell asserts that Gide was ambivalent in his approach to French colonialism and that his work displays the many contradictions he had towards it. [Extracted from the article]

This study thematises a surge of Black identity and anti-colonial consciousness in the literary work of one of the founding fathers of the Afro-Caribbean letters, Léon-Gontran Damas (1912-1978), whose works are still much less known than those of the poet-president, Senghor or the poet-mayor of Fort-de-France, Aimé Césaire. Starting from the very first cry of Black revolt against the French presence in the colonies (Pigments, 1937), we will try to explain the originality of this multi-form writer whose positions against the assimilationist policies of the Third Republic and the harmful consequences of the colonial enterprise are more virulent than those which can be read in Césairo-Senghorian poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the solidarity displayed by French antifascism in favor of the revolutionary forces in October 1934. This study about the organizations that emerged to coordinate the movement analyzes the competition between communists and socialists to lead it, describes the wide spectrum of protests, thus as the response of the French authorities to Spanish pressure. All this from the analysis of different primary sources, especially the Archives of the border French departments for the conviction of the value of the information they provide, combined with the archive of Paris área. It was in these territories where the Spanish presence was more numerous and where the transit and temporary stay of the refugees and the solidarity organizations with the Spanish revolutionaries were more active.

A comparative spatial history using GIS, this article examines the similar and differing effects of railway expansion on the growth of postal communications in Great Britain and France from 1830 to the eve of the Great War. It argues that the modern Postal Age in Great Britain and France began in the 1830s. In Britain in 1839, the Parliament obligated private railway companies to convey the Royal Mail throughout the kingdom at reasonable rates. Thereafter, the expansion of postal services and railway networks went hand in hand. Over the years, thousands of new post offices were established and were closer to rail stations than before. As the years wore on the geography of postal communication expanded greatly and by 1914 the majority of rural districts became part of the system of regular, daily mail. In France, a country four or five times larger than England and Wales with a relatively vast rural population, the task of modernizing postal service was a greater challenge. The inauguration of a "rural service" in 1829 employed some 5,000 men as postal carriers to deliver and collect mail throughout the countryside. Thereafter, their numbers grew as new post offices were established to serve villages and small towns with mail deliveries every other day. In the 1880s, under the Third Republic, the state greatly expanded the postal service, deeming it a national mission. It was then that the growing rail network came to shape the national geography of postal service. Hence, at the turn of the century the patterns British and French postal expansions converged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French Third Republic introduced more guarantees of civil liberties than any previous French regime, yet citizens remained unable to challenge police violence and illegality in court—even though the Penal Code provided a legal basis for prosecuting police misconduct. This article reveals how police managers and the judiciary in Paris collaborated to avoid bringing charges against police personnel. It also highlights the significant role played by French civil liberties activists and organizations, most notably the League of Human Rights, in pushing for more transparency and accountability in policing. While historians of policing have noted the discrepancies between high-minded republican ideals and limitations on citizens' rights and liberties, they see this as stemming from incomplete republicanization and justify police impunity as necessary for the defense of the Republic and its values. This article argues instead that the continued absence of police accountability to the law was rooted in republican values and priorities themselves. Moreover, the failure to prosecute police placed the French Third Republic increasingly at odds with developments in Britain and Prussia. Finally, it provides the basis for further comparative research into how different political regimes, past and present, respond to citizens' complaints about police abuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Insāniyāt / Revue Algérienne d'Anthropologie et de Sciences Sociales is the property of Centre de Recherche en Anthropologie Sociale et Culturelle (CRASC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)